by David S. Rotenstein
Silver Spring, Maryland developed during the early twentieth century as a sundown suburb: an area covering more than ten square miles where racial restrictive deed covenants prevented African Americans from owning or renting homes. Located in Montgomery County about 6 miles north of Washington, D.C., Silver Spring didn’t begin desegregating its businesses until the late 1950s and housing discrimination remained legal there until 1968 when the county’s open housing law went into effect. Despite dramatic changes in Silver Spring’s demographics and politics, the community’s history and historic preservation efforts remain as segregated as its earlier public culture. African Americans, the Jim Crow era, and the civil rights actions that helped break down racial barriers in Silver Spring in the 1960s remain invisible in published histories and in the commemorative landscape.
The ways in which history and historic preservation are produced in Silver Spring effectively reproduce the exclusion of people of color from earlier periods by rendering them invisible in published histories, designated historic properties, and heritage-themed placemaking.
I live in Silver Spring and I make my living in public history. My work since 2011 has focused on suburban gentrification and how people of color are erased from communities and the historical record. The processes leading to the displacement of residents of color are tied to the production of histories and historic preservation programs that render them invisible by omission. In late 2016 I began conducting Black History Tours in Silver Spring’s central business district to help raise awareness of the community’s African American history. In early June 2017, after one of my tours, there was an event in one of Silver Spring’s historical parks where residents shared stories of discrimination and participants could submit comments to Montgomery County agencies undertaking renovations in the park. The event invited people to “protest invisibility and help make Acorn Park more inclusive.” This article documents the June 2017 event and the story behind how history is produced, and its ramifications, in Silver Spring’s Acorn Urban Park and throughout Silver Spring.
A Little Silver Spring History
Silver Spring is an unincorporated community that shares a boundary with the District of Columbia. The community’s origin legend is that Francis Preston Blair, a Washington journalist, in 1840 was riding his horse through the area when he discovered a mica-flecked spring. Blair subsequently bought 289 acres and named his new plantation Silver Spring. By the time the Civil War broke out, Blair was one of the largest enslavers in Montgomery County (twelve slaves in 1860).
By the end of the nineteenth century, the Blairs had substantial real estate holdings in Montgomery County. During the first quarter of the twentieth century, Edward Brooke Lee (1892-1984), who was a Blair, expanded his family’s real estate investments by buying up and consolidating large farm tracts to develop “restricted” and “exclusive” residential subdivisions. In the 1920s, Lee founded the North Washington Realty Company, which developed most of his properties through the 1940s.
In 1925, Lee was one of several real estate entrepreneurs who founded the Silver Spring Chamber of Commerce. Two years later they embarked on a branding and marketing campaign that included full-page advertisements in Washington newspapers touting “Maryland North of Washington” as a prime investment opportunity: “the logical place in which to build for posterity.” Maps published in these ads illustrated new and proposed residential subdivisions, proposed parks, major roads leading to downtown Washington, and the area’s two country clubs.
There was little development in Silver Spring during the first two decades of the 20th century; development accelerated in the 1920s. That decade kicked off a real estate boom in suburban Montgomery County that for all intents and purposes has never ended.
The first restrictive covenants attached to properties in Silver Spring were included in deeds executed by Virginia attorney and real estate speculator Robert Holt Easley (1856-1941). In 1902 Easley bought 67 acres near Silver Spring’s B&O Railroad station; two years later he filed a plat of “Building Sites for Sale at Silver Spring” in Montgomery County land records with 156 lots. Easley’s deeds prohibited the people buying his lots and all subsequent owners from selling or renting the properties, “the whole or any part of any dwelling or structure thereon, to any person of African descent.”
Easley’s subdivision was the first of more than 50 racially restricted residential subdivisions that were platted and developed between 1904 and 1948 in an area roughly bounded by the District of Columbia, Rock Creek Park, the Prince Georges County line, and the unincorporated community of White Oak—essentially the entire area that Lee and his real estate cohort called “Maryland North of Washington” and which simply came to be known during the remainder of the twentieth century as “Greater Silver Spring.”
In 1948, the United States Supreme Court ruled in Shelley v. Kraemer that racial restrictive covenants were unenforceable. For the next 20 years, however, redlining, steering, and discrimination in multi-family housing kept Silver Spring almost exclusively white. Though there were pockets of African American households on the margins of Silver Spring’s historic core (e.g., Lyttonsville and Chestnut Ridge), these nineteenth century unincorporated hamlets occupied areas where real estate speculators were unable to consolidate sufficient lands to create twentieth century subdivisions.
As late as 1967, Washingtonian magazine was reporting on the appeal Silver Spring held to whites moving away from Washington: “They love it because it’s easy to commute to Washington, Judith Viorst wrote. “And, they love it because Negroes, so far, have been safely left behind at the District line. Virtually everybody says so, one way or another.”
Interventions by civil rights activists in the late 1950s; the relocation of about 200 African American Department of Labor employees to Silver Spring in 1961 and the subsequent enactment of an open accommodations law in 1962; and, the passage of an open housing law in 1968 (just before federal legislation) began breaking down Jim Crow’s racial barriers in Silver Spring.
Producing Silver Spring History
The ways in which history and historic preservation are produced in Silver Spring effectively reproduce the exclusion of people of color from earlier periods by rendering them invisible in published histories, designated historic properties, and heritage-themed placemaking. Historians researching housing, businesses, and commercial architecture omit the African American experience from Silver Spring’s narratives. These books, articles, historic preservation documents, documentary videos, and heritage trail signs privilege and celebrate stories of segregationists like Lee, his Blair kin, and other early community boosters.
Some of the erasures are easily identifiable. In 2005, the Silver Spring Historical Society published a book titled Historic Silver Spring in Arcadia Publishing’s Images of America series. That book did not mention African Americans, 1960s civil rights protests held in downtown Silver Spring, and it did not include the Lyttonsville community, which abuts Silver Spring’s historic core.
Earlier examples include Silver Spring Success: an Interactive History of Silver Spring, Maryland, a book first published in 1995, and a comprehensive historic resources survey of Silver Spring’s central business district that was completed in 2002.
More academic studies of Silver Spring’s history include several articles on the community’s commercial architecture and planning by The George Washington University architectural historian Richard Longstreth. These works analyze suburbanization in the Washington metropolitan area by focusing on development in Silver Spring during the middle part of the 20th century; Longstreth’s work omits African Americans and the role Jim Crow segregation played in Silver Spring’s formative years.
Though Longstreth’s work has focused on Silver Spring’s commercial properties and multi-family housing, his students have drilled down in into Silver Spring’s residential subdivisions. A 1994 master’s thesis in American Studies examined Silver Spring’s development between 1920 and 1955. Despite providing what at first blush appears to be a comprehensive history of suburban development, the author failed to address racial restrictive covenants, African Americans, or the stark demographic reality (virtually all white, except for domestic servants) of the area in which the subdivisions were developed.
Other erasures are less accessible. These include the many racial micro-aggressions people of color experience when walking through downtown Silver Spring, i.e., heritage tour signs that omit segregation from celebratory narratives about local businesses during Silver Spring’s “heyday” and narratives that minimize the role Jim Crow segregation played in that period.
A very public example of erasure is embedded in one of five murals comprising a public artwork installed in the 1990s. The Silver Spring “Memory Wall” is a series of murals in Acorn Urban Park depicting five important themes/aspects in Silver Spring’s history: Francis Preston Blair’s 1840s mansion; the Civil War; Silver Spring’s first armory on the eve of World War I; the B&O Railroad station in 1941; and, the rehabilitated 1938 Silver Shopping Center.
The murals’ content was developed among the artist, Mame Cohalan, a Silver Spring residents’ arts advisory board, and officials in Montgomery County’s Planning Department. Planning Department memoranda note that the murals were the “first attempt to realistically depict Silver Spring’s history in a representational public art form.” Planners memorialized Cohalan’s observations that the historical photographs she was using to design the murals failed to show people of color: “The artist would like to explore having more cultural diversity in the 20th century images.” Cohalan confirmed this in an interview I did with her in April 2017.
The Silver Spring Memory Wall, with its insertion of black bodies into spaces and in a time where they never would have been found establishes erasure by creating an imaginary visual narrative. African Americans who see the murals recognize that African Americans could not have stood alongside whites on the train platform in 1941. Or 1951. Or even 1961.
Protesting Invisibility in Acorn Park
In early 2017, the Maryland-National Capital Park and Planning Commission began soliciting public input for proposed renovations in Acorn Park. A pair of local nonprofit organizations, IMPACT Silver Spring (IMPACT) and Showing Up for Racial Justice Montgomery County (SURJ), collaborated with me to organize an event to protest the invisibility of African Americans in the ways history is presented in the park and to take direct action with Montgomery County officials. Our efforts culminated Saturday June 10, 2017, in Acorn Park.
The Acorn Park protesting invisibility event was inspired by an account in architectural historian Dell Upton’s 2015 book, What Can and Can’t be Said: Race, Uplift, and Monument Building in the Contemporary South. Upton recounted efforts by residents of Savannah, Georgia, who protested against invisibility in Savannah’s commemorative landscape by demanding an official African American monument. Silver Spring’s African American residents had much in common with their Savannah counterparts: both communities celebrated their white supremacist histories in public monuments and historical representations while omitting official commemorations dedicated to people of color.
Representatives from IMPACT, SURJ, and I met several times in the weeks leading up to the June 10 event. We drafted publicity flyers and shared them via social media and in businesses near Acorn Park. We also drafted a petition letter addressed to county officials, which participants could sign, and a postcard with a brief excerpt from the petition letter and space for individualized comments.
In addition to inviting the community at large, we also asked a couple of lifelong residents of Lyttonsville to share their memories of life in Jim Crow Silver Spring and about how they think history and historic preservation are produced in the community. They recalled being excluded from Silver Spring’s businesses and living in a neighborhood that lacked running water and paved roads until well into the Cold War. And, they described the marginalization they felt by being excluded from published histories and Silver Spring’s commemorative landscape.
After the dialogue in Acorn Park concluded, participants were invited to move to Bump ‘N Grind, a coffee shop in the next block. The store’s owners helped to publicize the event and they allowed us to set up several laptops connected to the store’s wi-fi where participants could file their comments on Acorn Park directly to the Montgomery County Department of Parks via the agency’s open town hall web portal. Conversations begun in the park continued inside the store and seven people filed comments electronically.
Suggestions for making Acorn Park’s history more inclusive included adding another bank of murals above the existing ones in the Memory Wall; commissioning a sculpture of a local civil rights leader; and, replacing the existing signage that celebrates Silver Spring’s white supremacist founders with signs that also discuss slavery, Reconstruction, Jim Crow, and the civil rights actions (demonstrations, litigation, etc.) that occurred in Silver Spring during the 1960s.
The Montgomery County Department of Parks plans to hold one meeting with community members later in 2017 to present the results of the agency’s outreach efforts. Parks agency officials expect to deliver finalized plans to the Montgomery County Planning Board for approval in early 2018. The loose coalition formed to produce the protesting invisibility event in Acorn Park will be following future releases by county officials and we plan to attend all additional public meetings.
We hope that the example set in Acorn Park will be a model for additional efforts in Silver Spring and elsewhere in Montgomery County to reframe how history and historic preservation are produced to make them more inclusive and accurate. Silver Spring’s downtown privileges white experiences at the expense of African Americans, presenting a white-washed history that overlooks the ways white residents accumulated capital and influence by excluding African Americans. Future efforts may be directed at replacing existing heritage trail markers and creating public art that engages and strives to tell the story of all of Silver Spring’s residents, including the many new immigrants who have moved here since the turn of the twenty-first century. One step I plan to take is to work with a Spanish language interpreter to adapt my existing Black History Tour to create a bilingual tour that helps create attachments to the community for new residents.
Silver Spring, like many communities throughout the nation, has invested heavily in promoting its diversity as part of its brand. That diversity is of recent vintage and it was not easily achieved. By protesting invisibility in Acorn Park we took steps towards reframing Silver Spring’s history and opening public spaces for a more honest and inclusive history. For additional information on our efforts to protest and erase invisibility in Silver Spring, please check out our website, Invisible Montgomery.
David Rotenstein is a Silver Spring, Md., consulting historian who is writing a book on gentrification, race, and housing history in Decatur, Ga.
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 James W. Loewen, Sundown Towns: A Hidden Dimension of American Racism (New York: New Press : Distributed in the United States by Norton, 2005).
 United States Census, 1860 Slave Schedules, District 5, Montgomery County, Maryland.
Though Blair became a prominent advisor to President Abraham Lincoln and his son, Montgomery Blair, served as Lincoln’s postmaster-general, the family quickly abandoned the Republican Party during Reconstruction. They rejoined the Democratic Party and became supporters of a movement to relocate former slaves to Africa. Manisha Sinha, The Slave’s Cause: A History of Abolition (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2016).
 “News of the Capital’s Suburbs,” The Washington Post (1923-1954), April 26, 1925.
 “The Heart of Washington Development,” The Washington Post, September 18, 1927.
 Stephanie Ann Sechrist, “Silver Spring, Maryland: Residential Development of a Washington Suburb, 1920 to 1955” (Thesis, George Washington University, 1994).
 Map of Building Sites for Sale at Silver Spring Lying Near the Depot of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. Montgomery County Land Records, Plat No. 54.
 Deed from R. Holt Easley to William and Hannah Jouvenal, May 19, 1904. Montgomery County Land Records, Liber JLB 178, folio 89.
 Judith Viorst, “Q. Is There a Silver Spring, and If So, Why?,” Washingtonian, July 1967, 68.
 Historian Bruce Johansen analyzed the Silver Spring Historical Society’s articles, public presentations, and walkingb tours in his 2006 University of Maryland dissertation. Bruce Richard Johansen, “Imagined Pasts, Imagined Futures: Race, Politics, Memory, and the Revitalization of Downtown Silver Spring, Maryland” (Dissertation, University of Maryland, 2005), http://drum.lib.umd.edu/handle/1903/3210.
 Jerry A McCoy and Silver Spring Historical Society (Silver Spring, Md.), Historic Silver Spring, Images of America (Charleston, SC: Arcadia, 2005).
 Richard C Jaffeson, Silver Spring Success: An Interactive History of Silver Spring, Maryland (Silver Spring, Md.: The Author, 2000); Potomac-Hudson Engineering, Inc., “Historic Sites Survey Report,” Report prepared for the Maryland-National Capital Park and Planning Commission (Silver Spring, Maryland: Potomac-Hudson Engineering, Inc., December 2002).
 Richard Longstreth, “The Neighborhood Shopping Center in Washington, D. C., 1930-1941,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 51, no. 1 (March 1992): 5–34; Richard Longstreth, “Silver Spring: Georgia Avenue, Colesville Road and the Creation of an Alternative `Downtown’ for Metropolitan Washington,” in Streets: Critical Perspectives on Public Space, ed. Zeynep Çelik, Diane Favro, and Richard Ingersoll (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 247–58, 294; Richard Longstreth, “The Mixed Blessings of Success: The Hecht Company and Department Store Branch Development after World War II,” Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture 6 (1997): 244–62.
 Stephanie Ann Sechrist, “Silver Spring, Maryland.” Sechrist’s thesis subsequently has been cited as an authoritative source for multiple Maryland Inventory of Historic Properties survey forms, cultural resource management surveys, Montgomery County Planning Department historic preservation documents, and local bloggers writing on Silver Spring history.
 Derald Wing Sue et al., “Racial Microaggressions in Everyday Life,” American Psychologist 62, no. 4 (2007). One heritage tour marker illustrates this. A marker located in the 8200 block of Georgia Avenue describes the history of a regional hamburger stand chain. Surveys by the NAACP and other civil rights groups begun in the mid-1950s regularly noted that the chain declined to serve African Americans. The historical marker text, which was drafted by the Silver Spring Historical Society, uses a minimization frame in discussing the surveys. The marker reads, “In 1957, the Montgomery County branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People conducted a survey of 18 cafes—nine in Silver Spring, nine in Bethesda. Six were cited for refusing sit-down service to African Americans, including the Little Taverns in each community (they only offered carry-out).” By emphasizing that the Little Tavern chain only offered “carry-out,” the historical society appears to be suggesting that the discrimination there was no big deal. Yet, when the Montgomery County Historic Preservation Commission evaluated the property for designation as a protected local landmark, African Americans who remembered the discrimination testified in opposition. Garance Burke, “Silver Spring Saves A Slice of History; Former Hamburger Stand Is Dismantled; Facade, Signage Preserved for Street Exhibit: [FINAL Edition],” The Washington Post, July 27, 2003.
 Marilyn Clemens to Calvin Nelson, “RE: Silver Spring Art Panel Review of the Caldor Store Memory Wall by Artist Mame Cohalan,” Memorandum, (July 20, 1994).
 These observations have been shared by African American participants in the Silver Spring Black History Tours that I have been conducting since late 2016. At the June 2017 protesting invisibility event held in Acorn Park I asked Lyttonsville resident Charlotte Coffield if that scene would have been possible and replied that it would not. I then asked her if the Silver Spring railroad station had a separate entrance and waiting area for African Americans and she replied that it did not. Since there were no African Americans living in Silver Spring, locals felt that there was no need to provide accommodations for them under the prevailing Jim Crow system. In fact, Silver Spring was so exclusively white that the community’s two mid-twentieth century movies theaters simply declined to serve African Americans instead of providing separate accommodations for them.
 Dell Upton, What Can and Can’t Be Said: Race, Uplift, and Monument Building in the Contemporary South (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2015).
 Ibid., 75–76.
 Civil rights actions in Silver Spring include efforts to desegregate local eateries after Montgomery County enacted an open accommodations law in 1962 and demonstrations against local builders and apartment community managers who refused to rent to African Americans. Some of these actions are summarized in a publication commemorating the twentieth anniversary of Montgomery County’s Human Relations Commission. Bruce Johansen also deftly covers this period in his dissertation on nostalgia and historic preservation in Silver Spring. David Brack, “Twenty Years of Civil Rights Progress” (Rockville, Maryland: Montgomery County Human Relations Commission, n.d.), https://www.montgomerycountymd.gov/humanrights/resources/files/civil_right_progress.pdf; Johansen, “Imagined Pasts, Imagined Futures: Race, Politics, Memory, and the Revitalization of Downtown Silver Spring, Maryland.”
Dear Dr. Rotenstein, June 23, 2017
Thank you for this historically accurate, well-footnoted published article on ‘Racial Invisibility’ in official government local history depictions of the origins, development and growth of Silver Spring, MD. It is about time that our Montgomery County Government acknowledges racist and White exclusivism dominating Silver Spring’s past until the last quarter of the 20th Century. Black and minority citizens/residents were discriminated against and their positive roles deliberately elided to give Silver Spring a marketing image as a “White suburb”. Ironically, real Black history in Montgomery County is still being ‘erased’ by our historical associations in collusion with M-NCPPC agencies (including Montgomery Parks) in deliberately disguised ways as if Blacks were included in Silver Spring’s institutional and social past. Your description of an Acorn Park mural of Silver Spring B&O Rail Station that painted in (then non-existent) Black train passengers on the train platform illustrates our County’s oxymoronic and ‘faked history’ methods in the past and to-date.
Is it not odd that we elected our current Black County Executive three times, yet our County government institutions continue to propagate falsified ‘White Myths’ about Silver Spring’s origin and evolution, Our own Historical Societies and Tourism agencies focus primarily on preserving specific old buildings and creating public plaques with place-names honoring real-estate developers viewed as generous ‘founders’ of Silver Spring without noting historical facts about laws and ‘covenants’ enforcing outright racial segregation and discrimination imposed by these same powerful actors and their successors. I do not favor just tearing down ‘statues’ because of their known Civil War Confederate roles. But I call for telling the truth in public about historical figures and educating our current and future residents and leaders about racialism and anti-American ways, also. This is essential to overcome the ‘Invisibility’ factor you have analyzed so well,
In the 21st Century we face new challenges by an Urbanizing Growth Machine based on new Real-Estate Development plans in small communities such as the modest suburban neighborhood of Lyttonsville – soon to be overwhelmed by extra high-density ‘mixed-use’ housing redevelopment near the future Purple Line Light Rail. A ‘Sweetheart’ so-called “comprehensive” Real Estate corporate redevelopment Scheme: The Greater Lyttonsvile Sector Plan (hurriedly forced through M-NCPPC Planning Board over citizen/resident objections, then approved by a large majority of the Montgomery County Council in early 2017) displays all-too-clear linkages to the pattern of Montgomery County Government and Silver Spring carelessly ‘erasing our historical past’ where racial and minority populations live that you have written about so eloquently.
Thank You for your persistence and advocacy on behalf of ordinarily people in Silver Spring, Maryland
Joel M. Teitelbaum
Resident of the “Real Greater Lyttonsville” in Silver Spring, Maryland, 20910
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Great article. Bought a house in Seven Oaks Evanswood 2 years ago (on the edge facing the Central Business District). Your article answers a lot of my questions. I would like to learn more and, as an historian, I would like to pursue local research similar to yours.
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All across the U.S., all too many books — community histories, sociological community studies, articles on zoning and planning — treat sundown towns without ever mentioning that they were sundown towns. What a change this article represents!
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